Abstract
This article argues that maritime piracy in Southeast Asia has again become a problem. The rising numbers of piracy incidents that have occurred in the Asian region during the last decade are described. The complexity of modern-day piracy is pointed out, along with political, economic, & social developments that have contributed to the increase & form of modern piracy. Distinctions are made between “common sea robbers” that commit fast hit-&-run attacks on vessels for the purpose of lining their own pockets & “social pirates” that commit violent ambushes on small vessels like pleasure yachts & fishing boats. While common sea robbers tend to be small, unsophisticated groups, social bandits are usually heavily armed with semi-automatic rifles or similar weapons & are characterized by a much higher level of organization. The link between piracy & both smuggling activity related to the booming black market & the activities of terrorist & separatist movements is discussed. Emphasis is placed on the need to develop social, economic, & political strategies to reduce pirate attacks.
Topic: Maritime Security
Liss, Carolin
Abstract
Contemporary maritime security threats such as piracy, smuggling and illegal fishing are major concerns in Southeast Asia. responding to these threats have long been seen as the responsibility of governments. This article demonstrates how new actors have become involved in addressing national and regional maritime security threats in Southeast Asia. Focusing on three distinct types of new actors — for-profit actors, not-for-profit actors and multilateral institutions — the article provides an understanding of the (sometimes controversial) nature of their responses to threats and the relationships between these new actors and the state. By revealing the contribution made by new actors in Southeast Asia — a region where governments are particularly protective of their sovereignty — this article shows how and why established patterns of security governance in Southeast Asia are changing and offers new insights into alternative methods for tackling maritime security threats.
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Geise, Torsten
Abstract
Following “9/11,” concerns regarding the possibility of large-scale terrorist operations against targets in the maritime environment gained an ever greater importance in international debates. Based on the assumption that especially Southeast Asia may be considered as highly vulnerable against acts of maritime terrorism, this study discusses possible targets & their related scenarios, intent & capabilities of the major terrorist groups operating within the region, & measures taken to reduce as well as problems in dealing with the potential of terrorists exploiting the region’s weak maritime security situation for their — not least in terms of the global economy — probably highly destabilizing ends. Implicitly asking “How real is the threat?,” it stresses that there are numerous reasons for being alarmed, & that (trans)regional countermeasures taken so far may in the longer run not lead to any form of substantial improvement, as long as the underlying problems & deficits characterizing the region are not effectively addressed.
Buszynski, Leszek
Abstract
Norms of behaviour may play a very important role in resolving the South China Sea dispute, and in reducing the potential for conflict. ASEAN and China signed a declaration on conduct for the South China Sea in November 2002, which was the first time that China had accepted a multilateral agreement over the issue. ASEAN had attempted to obtain China’s endorsement of international norms of behaviour over the issue since 1992. While China regarded the South China Sea as “lost territories” that were to be restored to the mainland, there was little response. China’s attitude towards the area changed after the Taiwan crisis of 1995-96 removed from power the main proponents of the recovery of lost territories theme. Moreover, when the Philippines involved the U.S. through the Visiting Forces Agreement of 1998, China realized the value of norms of behaviour in terms of constraining external powers. The article argues that, in a situation where a dominant power has a clear advantage over weaker states, a balance of power is required as a prerequisite for the negotiation of norms of behaviour. Without that balance there would be no incentive for the dominant power to accept constraining norms of behaviour. Norms are a product of a balance of power which in this case was provided by the American role.
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Buszynski, Leszek and Iskandar Sazlan
Abstract
The unresolved maritime claims to all, or parts, of the South China Sea involve Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei, Taiwan, and China, and have hindered the development of the hydrocarbon resources there. Rising oil prices and China’s voracious appetite for energy have stimulated greater interest in the exploitation of the area’s oil reserves. Despite the uncertainty, ASEAN countries have involved energy companies in exploration and drilling in their respective claims. Cooperation arrangements between national oil companies including Chinese have been negotiated which hold out the prospect of greater security, even in the absence of a settlement of the maritime claims. Energy cooperation may stabilize the South China Sea providing a secure operating environment for oil exploitation. In time, the way could be prepared for further steps which would involve the claimants in negotiations over a resolution of the maritime claims.
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Bateman, Sam
Abstract
Maritime security is a major concern in the Asia Pacific, yet is riddled with highly complex “wicked problems” that have thus far defied solution. These include different interpretations of the Law of the Sea underpinning regional maritime security, the lack of good order at sea, numerous conflicting claims to maritime jurisdiction, the implications of increased naval activity in the region and the lack of agreed maritime boundaries. This article identifies major wicked problems and reflects on the likelihood that they will be successfully addressed in regional forums. It finds some optimistic indications of a greater preparedness to address these issues than has been the case in the past. However, much will depend on whether existing mindsets can change to allow regional countries to corporate more effectively with regards to maritime security. The article concludes with the proposal that an Asian Peace Research Institute should be established to promote more independent thinking and greater cooperation.
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Wiegand, Krista E
Abstract
For almost four decades, China has disputed Japan’s sovereignty of several small rocky islands in the East China Sea. Despite a June 2008 joint gas development agreement, China continues to claim sovereignty and the dispute is nowhere close to being resolved. This study proposes that China benefits from the endurance of the dispute because it can use territorial dispute threats to compel Japan to change its behavior or policy on other disputed issues. The results show that China gained concessions on other issues by using the territorial dispute as bargaining leverage in most of the 26 threats made between 1978 and 2008.
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Valencia, Mark J
Abstract
The East China Sea is one of the last unexpected high-potential resource areas located near large markets. But the development of oil and gas in much of the area has been prevented for decades by conflicting claims to boundaries and islets in the area by China, Taiwan, and Japan. Competition between China and Japan for gas resources in the East China Sea is intensifying and hampering improved relations. However, conflict is not inevitable. A compromise—joint development—is motivated by the realization that a positive China-japan relationship is simply too important to be destroyed by these disputes. Although both agree in principle on joint development, the two sides have different interpretations of what joint development means or implies, and what area should be jointly developed. The article spells out three basic agreements in principle that are necessary before details of any solution can be negotiated. The alternative to a solution is continued mutual suspicion, unstable relations, unmanaged and underdeveloped resources, and an increasing frequency and intensity of incidents, fueling nationalist sentiments and resultant political conflict.
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McDevitt, Michael A. and Dmitry Gorenburg
Abstract
This report addresses the major security issues associated with the Sea of Japan. It includes three essays: The first is a general overview of the role that the Sea of Japan (SOJ) has played in the security of East Asia. The second essay is a more detailed analysis of the dispute between Japan and South Korea over the Dokdo/Takeshima Islands. The third essay explores Japan’s other Sea of Japan dispute, which is with Russia over the Southern Kuril Islands or Northern Territories.
This report is one of five that are part of CNA’s Long Littoral project. The term “Long Littoral” refers to the five great maritime basins of the Indo-Pacific—the Sea of Japan, the East China and Yellow Seas, the South China Sea, the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea— in order to provide a different perspective, namely a maritime viewpoint, on security issues that the United States’ “rebalance” strategy must address as it focuses on the Indo-Pacific littoral. The project also aims to identify issues that may be common to more than one basin but involve different players in different regions, with the idea that solutions possible in one maritime basin may be applicable in others. Click here to view the rest of the documents in the Long Littoral Project.
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Kato, M
Abstract
Since Moscow decided to host the APEC Summit in Vladivostok, Russian policymakers and scholars have argued that Russia should be a “Euro-Pacific power”. However, Russia’s regional and bilateral priorities in Asia as well as her strategy to become a Pacific power remain uncertain. With the increase in the strategic significance of an ice-free Arctic, the sea of the Far Eastern region is gaining military importance for the Russian Navy. This article examines how the emergence of an ice-free Arctic could influence the security situation surrounding the “Kuril Islands”.
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International Crisis Group
Summary
The world’s second and third largest economies are engaged in a standoff over the sovereignty of five islets and three rocks in the East China Sea, known as the Diaoyu in Chinese and the Senkaku in Japanese. Tensions erupted in September 2012 when Japan purchased three disputed islands from their private owner to keep them from the nationalist governor of Tokyo. In response, Beijing implemented a series of measures including the establishment of overlapping administration in the disputed waters. Both sides’ law enforcement agencies and militaries currently operate in close proximity in disputed naval and aerial space. Unlike foreign ministries, these actors have less institutional interest in containing crises and enjoy an information monopoly allowing them to shape domestic perceptions. The two countries lack the mutual trust and communication mechanisms to manage incidents, let alone to discuss intentions or operating protocols. In the event of a skirmish, heightened nationalism, especially in China, could constrict the room for diplomatic manoeuvres to de-escalate the situation.
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Bateman, Sam, and Joshua Ho
Summary
his book examines the emerging maritime security scene in Southeast Asia. It considers highly topical implications for the region of possible strategic competition between China and India – the rising naval powers of Asia – with a possible naval “arms race” emerging between these countries both with naval force development and operations. As part of its “Look East” policy, India has deployed naval units to the Pacific Ocean for port visits and exercises both with East Asian navies and the US Navy, but India is also concerned about the possibility of the Chinese Navy operating in the Indian Ocean. Even as the US-India defence relationship continues to deepen, the US and China are struggling to build a closer links. China’s and India’s strategic interests overlap in this region both in maritime strategic competition or conflict – which might be played out in the Bay of Bengal, the Malacca and Singapore Straits and the South China Sea. The sea lines of communication (SLOCs) through Southeast Asian waters constitute vital “choke points” between the Indian and Pacific Oceans carrying essential energy supplies for China and other Northeast Asian countries. Any strategic competition between China and India has implications for other major maritime players in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, especially Australia, the Republic of Korea and Japan, as well as the US. This book identifies possible cooperative and confidence-building measures that may contribute to enhanced relations between these two major powers and dampen down the risks associated with their strategic competition.
Emmers, Ralf
Summary
In this book, Emmers addresses the key question: to what extent may the balance of power play a part in such cooperative security arrangements and in the calculations of the participants of ASEAN and the ARF? He investigates the role of the power balance in detailed examinations of the creation of the forum, ASEAN’s response to the Indochina conflict and the South China sea dispute.
