November 14, 2022
Introduction
India and the U.S. have become a significant part of Indo-Pacific’s security framework with their active participation in regional groupings. This makes them indispensable member states in structuring the architecture for partnerships in the Indo-Pacific.
The Rising Powers Initiative at The George Washington University and Christ (Deemed to be University) recently held a joint Conference on Regional Architecture for Partnerships in the Indo-Pacific: The Role of US and India in Security and the Commons. The first session on Security sought to explore important aspects of the security dynamics in the region, focusing on how joint contribution may help in upholding ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ and promoting a rules-based order. This Policy Brief is based on the first session on Security, with a second report forthcoming on the Commons. Watch the first session here.
Primarily to counter Chinese assertiveness, speakers noted that key countries in the region can come together on multiple security dimensions ranging from non-traditional security and intelligence sharing to climate resilience and disaster management. This would help to evolve the existing group frameworks in the region which are currently informal and exclusive in nature. American involvement in the region’s security framework could serve to counter other security concerns including North Korean nuclear proliferation. And in collaboration with India, an emerging regional leader, it could help to foster and solidify more lasting security relations in the Indo-Pacific.
N. Manoharan, Director of the Centre of East Asian Studies, Christ (Deemed To Be University), gave a welcome note, which was followed by a keynote address by Alyssa Ayres, Dean of the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University. Deepa Ollapally, Director of the Rising Powers Initiative and Research Professor of International Affairs at George Washington University, moderated the session. The panelists were Jeff Smith, Research Fellow at Asia Studies Center, Heritage Foundation; Lisa Curtis, Senior Fellow & Director of the Indo-Pacific Security Program at Center for a New American Security; and Admiral Arun Prakash, former Chief of Naval Staff (India).
The Indo-Pacific Region at the Center Stage of Global Geopolitics
The Indo-Pacific region has emerged as an area of geopolitical focus on the world stage. Not only does it harbor the world’s largest economies, but it also constitutes half the world’s population with an ever-expanding market. In addition, approximately 60 percent of the maritime trade passes through the region, comprising nine out of ten of the world’s busiest seaports. But the region’s prominence primarily stems from the rise of China’s assertive ambitions in the form of expansionist maritime tendencies and increasing influence in its neighboring states in the region.
To counter the Chinese assertions, multiple countries in the Indo-Pacific have come together, giving rise to the phenomena of ‘mini-lateral partnerships’ with no ‘one’ cohesive grouping. These partnerships underscore the motto of a ‘free, open and inclusive’ Indo-Pacific with a clear preference for multi-polar regional order. From trade to security, these groupings have been gradually developing, but yet to take a concrete and coherent form. India and the U.S., being a vital part of the region’s strategic security forum – Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, hold significant responsibility in structuring the regional architecture for partnerships in the Indo-Pacific.
Towards A Free & Open Indo-Pacific
The session sought to answer the primary questions – which common areas (particularly in security) could serve as a foundation stone for U.S.-India collaboration in the Indo-Pacific and thus pave the way for a concrete framework for regional institutions in the region.
It was unanimously agreed that the U.S.-India collaboration in the Indo-Pacific caters to the broader aim of maintaining a rules-based order in the region and promoting a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Speakers called on the two countries to come together and form regional groupings with other states in the region by coordinating on a variety of security issues- human trafficking, refugee crisis, maritime security, counterterrorism, cyber-security, intelligence sharing, national and sub-national law enforcement engagement, connecting land and sea ports, climate resilience, and disaster management. Curtis highlighted the economic aspects of the cooperation, primarily in the form of transparent and accountable infrastructure finance, safeguarding developing countries’ sovereignty in statecraft. This alludes to the ‘debt trap’ effects of China’s policy in the region, demonstrated most vividly in the case of Sri Lanka this year.
The existing regional architectures in the Indo-Pacific were termed as “informal” and “flexible, rather than “all encompassing” of the regional states. According to Smith, small groupings characterize the region, giving rise to the phenomenon of “minilateralism,” wherein states can coordinate in diverse ways and across multiple architectures. But at the same time, they fall far short of a cohesive grouping, like the European Union. This gap was termed the probable reason for the rise in Chinese assertiveness in multiple ways – from the South China Sea conflict, contention with Taiwan, border clashes with India, to trade conflicts with Australia. Thus, it can be said that the region is essentially led by countries first, followed by their respective bilateral and multilateral relations.
India and the U.S.: Challenges and Cooperative Prospects
For India, the Indo-Pacific presents itself as an opportunity to further the country’s foreign presence at a global level starting with countries in its neighborhood. This strengthens its position against China, which has frequently been employing border conflicts with India as a means to assert power. Recently, India has taken to improve its bilateral relations and ramp up security arrangements with its like-minded partners in the Indo-Pacific – the U.S., Australia, Japan, and France. However, Prakash pointed out that the Indian Ocean region lacks any form of regional security organizations. According to him, this stems from contentious relations between the regional powers: Pakistan – India – China, thus hindering India’s role as the net security provider in the Indian Ocean region. However, as per other panelists, it opens alternative paths for Indian-American collaboration, enabling India to fulfill its regional role.
The U.S. role retains critical value for the region that others cannot substitute. It could play an instrumental role in countering various security concerns of the region, such as North Korean nuclear weapon proliferation, the South China Sea conflict, repercussions of climate change in the form of melting glaciers in South Asia and rising water levels around Pacific Islands and Southeast Asian states. Active American participation in the security architecture of the region is apparent from the QUAD, Five Eyes Alliance and the recently formed AUKUS.
Although not perfect, according to Curtis, the QUAD can be called the American lynchpin in the region, challenging Chinese assertion. With no direct focus on security, the four-nation grouping aims to further coordination and collaboration among themselves and regional partners in other spheres. These areas cater to maritime domain awareness, cyber security, vaccine distribution, crisis management, and maintenance of sovereignty, extending to North Asian, South Asian, Southeast Asian, and Pacific countries. In addition, the bilateral defense ties between U.S-Japan, U.S-Australia, and U.S-India serves to strengthen the defense cooperation between QUAD members. Curtis also opined that ASEAN and other regional groupings had become more accepting of the QUAD against the rising tide of China. Along similar lines, AUKUS too has emerged as a strong bulwark against Beijing.
The bilateral security relations between India and the U.S. were also extensively discussed by Smith and Prakash. The progress was charted as impressive (in the form of arms sales, defense exercises, bilateral dialogues, and intelligence sharing); however, there is room for improvement. This is explicitly aimed at increasing technology transfer from the American side with a simultaneous effort by India to reduce its dependency on Russia for its defense needs. As Curtis put it, this comes at a crucial time as Russia has been increasingly collaborating with China, which has ongoing hostile border relations with India.
Thus, all the panelists agreed that for India and the U.S., followed by subsequent regional collaborations, the building blocks of cooperation could range from humanitarian aid and disaster relief assistance to maritime domain awareness. It could further be extended to a transparent and accountable network of infrastructure collaboration. In addition, establishing crisis management groups, and expanding joint naval patrols and naval coast guard patrols, medical task force, and maritime fusion centers would act as stepping stones towards more robust security arrangements among the countries in the Indo-Pacific. This type of pathway would ensure convergence in areas provoking minimal domestic political opposition across the countries in the region.
Conclusion
In sum, India’s role in the Indo-Pacific region shall ultimately determine its position at the global level. Hence, the country needs to expand its diplomatic presence in Indo-Pacific and improve its security framework by leveraging initiatives with the regional states. On that note, it can work together with the U.S. in the Indo-Pacific to ensure regional stability as well as promote collaboration in new security dimensions. India and the U.S. share a similar ideology in their approach to the region. For India, the U.S. serves as a strong driving force it can partner with, especially with rival China. And for the U.S., India is a leading power in the Indian Ocean region, with linkages in South and Southeast Asia, actively contributing to security partnerships of the region.
By Tanvi Kaur, Research Affiliate, Centre for East Asian Studies, Christ University.
This Policy Brief is a part of the ‘Shared Values and Worldviews in U.S.-India Relations’ project of the United States Government, George Washington University and Christ University. The opinions expressed here are solely of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Government, George Washington University or Christ University.
