One of most the exciting things about going to the field is the anticipation: you meet new people, visit new places, have new conversations, and get the chance to uncover new stories. We were particularly excited, given that the topic at hand, violence against women (VAW), is so central and pressing. We set out to examine two questions pertaining to VAW: (i) what are the information channels through which people receive information on instances of local crimes, including VAW, and (ii) what sorts of attitudes and behaviors do people have towards VAW and, more broadly, gender norms.
We conducted a series of in-depth interviews with men and women from the local community using semi-structured questionnaires. The target population included adults residing in urban slums of Delhi. To access our respondents, we forged partnerships with NGOs and local partners who had been closely working in urban slums and had established networks within the community. This was not an easy route to take, as most NGOs are extremely busy and have constraints on manpower and time. After almost a month of planning and strategizing, we were able to collaborate with two NGOs in two different parts of Delhi and National Capital Region (NCR): Voice of Slum and Model Rural Youth Development Organization (MRYDO). We were also able to access two other communities in South Delhi and Gurgaon (one of the adjoining areas in Delhi).
The sample varied throughout our study, but what bound them together was their united contempt for VAW. While the respondents had diverse views on VAW and how we can ensure women’s safety, they were equivocal in stating that “women have the right to feel safe in society.”
One of the male respondents interviewed, Manohar* from Nehru Nagar commented, “Aurato ko surakshit rakhna samaj ki zimmadari hain. (It is the society’s responsibility to keep the women safe).”
However, he continued to say, this “safety” is also contingent on women’s behavior and clothes. Similarly, Shamali*, a mother of two children (both daughters) and a resident of Chhalera, opined that women should dress appropriately in order to avoid “unwanted” advances from men. “Larkiyo ki bhi zimmadari banti hain ki atche se kapre pehne. Meri bhi betiyan hain, ab mein unko sikhaungi ki atche se kapre pehne. (It is the responsibility of girls to wear decent clothes. I also have daughters; I am going to teach them to dress properly).” There were also those who feel that it is not just women’s “responsibility” to safeguard themselves, but also that of the society. Ananya*, an undergraduate student and resident of Kapashera, jokingly said that women would feel safe if “men were not around.”
As part of our study, we included questions in reference to the infamous Delhi gang rape incident (also referred to as Nirbhaya, which means fearless). The incident itself was one of the most brutal acts of sexual assault on women and had spurred a series of protests nation-wide. We asked our respondents about the incident and if they thought there have been any positive changes in strengthening women’s safety after the incident. The responses were mixed.
On one hand, Ananya felt that the role of the police has not changed much since 2012. “Agar police ki bhumika mein koi badlav aya hota toh itne julm nhi hote aurato ke khilaaf. Abhi bhi aye din kuch na kuch hote rehta hain. (If the role of the police had changed, then there would not have been so many crimes against women even now. Something or the other happens every other day).” On the other, Shamali stated that after the Nirbhaya incident, women are at leastheard. “Police wale ab auroton ki baat sunte hain. (The police listen to the women now).”
Our interviews revealed a difference between recognition of violence perpetrated by strangers and violence committed by someone who the survivor may know. While violence by strangers is recognized and condemned as such, that by family members is not. Intimate partner violence or domestic abuse, for instance, is largely normalized. Both men and women report that it is not a “big deal” if the husband hits his wife.
“Mujhe bura lagega agar mera pati mujh pe haath uthayega toh, lekin mein kisiko bataungi nahi. Ye humare aapas ka mamla hain. (I will feel bad if my husband hits me, but I will not tell anyone. It is between us),” said Reeta*, who would be getting married soon. She has known her husband since childhood as they used to play together, but thinks it is “fine” if he hits her after marriage. Even Ananya, who believes in gender equality, said that before breaking off a marriage because of domestic violence, a woman must understand the man’s perspective as well: “Agar koi pati apne biwi pe achanak se haath utha rahe ho, toh patni ko bhi samajhna chahiye ki kya hua. Pehle toh wo waise nahi the. (If a husband starts beating up his wife suddenly, she should also understand what happened. It was not like this before).”
While information on cases of domestic violence is generally hushed as “internal family matters,” knowledge of local crimes and violence against women by strangers is spread through conversations. In fact, conversations among family members, friends, and neighbors is one of the key mechanisms through which information on VAW is passed on. “Hume baton baton se sab pata chal jata hain(we get to know everything through hearsay),” said Jyoti*, who relies on conversations with her mother and friends for all her “information.” The other popular choice of information is the television (TV). In fact, once news is received through the TV, there are discussions on them.
These attitudes and their impact on information about safety and domestic violence are reflected in the perceptions that people have about gender roles. While the men are perceived to be the “breadwinners,” the women’s prime responsibility is to be the “homemaker.” Manohar, for example, said that in his community, women do not work outside: “Agar apni biwi se bahar kaam karwaubga, log taane denge. (If I make my wife work outside, people will taunt me).” This is connected to the belief that women “require protection” and should confine themselves to four walls of their house. Thus, notions of safety and perceptions about women’s work are inter-linked.
To conclude, the multiplicity of voices on VAW, while recognizing its heinousness, places the onus of its prevention either on the woman herself (and consequently imposing restrictions on her mobility and overall life) or on the institutions and instruments of the state.
*All names have been changed to protect participants’ privacy.
By Abhilasha Sahay and Rituparna Patgiri. Abhilasha Sahay is a Sigur Center Field Research Grant Recipient for Summer 2019 and a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of Economics at the George Washington University. She studies the intersection of development economics and public policy, with key focus on topics in gender. Abhilasha also works at the World Bank’s Gender Innovation Lab. Rituparna Patgiri is a research associate in the Qualitative Study on Violence Against Women project, and a Ph.D. Student in the Center for the Study of Social Systems (CSSS) at Jawaharlal Nehru University.
