Abstract: The economic importance of oceans to nations is well known. Nearly 80 percent of the world trade by volume is carried out through ships and this includes the energy needs of the world such as petroleum, both crude oil and its by-products and now increasingly, LNG. Trade and energy security or ensuring the uninterrupted flow of trade and energy needs via the sea route will remain a concern for most nations in the foreseeable future. This would, in turn, lead to bilateral and multi-lateral links at regional and global levels thus impacting foreign policy. It would be appreciated that oceans are also an important repository of energy as well as food resources. Furthermore, with improvement or availability of cheaper technology, nations also look to extract poly metallic nodules or other minerals from the sea for industrial use. Nations attempt to extract the above mentioned resources from the sea on their own from their Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) or would cooperate with other nations to do so. In either case, such activities would impact bilateral and regional relationships. It is evident that all such activities have a maritime security dimension. Full text available here.
Topic: Maritime Security
Dutta, Abhinav
Abstract: It is being widely debated that the revolution in science and technology and its role in military strategy would prove to be game changers in international politics and in the dynamics of international affairs. The impact of science and technology is such that they have provided enough scope for increasing military deterrence and its ever-increasing role in the security calculus of a nation is being widely recognised. Newly emerging defence technologies have been instrumental in changing the modes of warfare and it is believed that technological sophistication shall help states to achieve superiority for defence and security and for power positioning in international affairs. New enabling technologies such as information technology, robotics, artificial intelligence, advances in sensors, precision guidance and satellite systems are believed to be offering a range of new capabilities for offence and defence and therefore, an analytical study on the role of technology in a country’s strategic defence and security doctrines, while especially considering Indian national priorities, would become essential. Full text available here.
Muralidharan, M.P
Abstract: Global economic growth has always been linked to trade, generating employment, wealth and as a result enhancing overall living standards of people. Seaborne trade has been a vital component of world trade through ages, since it has been the cheapest mode of transport for conveying large volumes of cargo over long distances. In the modern era, bulk of the energy needs of nations, such as oil and LNG has always been transported through sea. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, independent India’s first PrimeMinister was very perceptive in stating that “By and large it can be said that even in the past and remote ages, it was the seafaring nations that prospered, prospered both from point of view of power and wealth because of trade and commerce. I do not say that landlocked nations have not been powerful, they certainly have been powerful for periods at a time, but on the whole the importance of sea power has been a dominant feature of history.” Full text available here.
Banerjee, Gautam
Abstract: The People’s Republic of China (PRC) identifies its primary interest with the perpetuation of the governance of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Continuation of the citizen’s acceptability is, therefore, the most salient concern for the CPC regime, which, unlike the bygone days of peasant revolutions, cannot be any easy goal to achieve in the ‘information’ world of today. This concern, inter alia, is considered by the Chinese leadership to be best addressed by the PRC securing its ‘rightful status as a global super-power’, the road to which is sought to be found through establishment of China’s global economic centrality, ‘consolidation’ of absolute control over its peripheral territories, achievement of regional political-military hegemony and affirmation of its superior status through ‘recovery’ of self-proclaimed ‘lost territories’. Full text available here.
Choudhury, Avinandan, and P. Moorthy
Abstract: The increasing Chinese naval presence in and around Indian ocean, coupled with the rise of the home-grown Indian Navy and the US naval dominance over the global commons, has brought about a strategic maritime triangle in the Indian Ocean. This article looks into the evolving role, capacity and objectives of the Indian, Chinese and US Navy vis-à-vis their strategic interests in the Indian Ocean region. The article argues that the ascendency of China’s naval prowess in Indian Ocean will prod India to opt for a tactical naval entente with the USA. Few impediments to the potential formation of a close-knit Indo-US partnership like India’s fear of losing strategic autonomy, its aversion in being an east Asian naval power, US–Pakistan ties and the difference in the Indian and USA’s interpretation of the concept of ‘Freedom of Navigation’ have been discussed. The article contends that an effective Indo-US naval cooperation will depend on how these impediments are taken into considerations within the make-up of their partnership. Full text available here.
Tu, Dang Cam, and Hang Thi Thuy Nguyen
Abstract: This paper seeks to explore the new dynamics of U.S.–Vietnam security relations from 2011 to 2017. It begins with a review of the attempts before 2011 to establish a foundation for a normal security relationship between the United States and Vietnam, and progresses in the scope and pace of the bilateral relationship in this field. The paper then examines the process of a deepening security relationship between the two countries from 2011 to 2017, focusing on the motivations for increased security cooperation and the developments in five main areas of cooperation, namely maritime security, high-level dialogues, search and rescue, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and peacekeeping operations. Finally, this paper looks at the potential and limits of the U.S.–Vietnam security relationship, analyzing the possibilities for building a more balanced and effective security relationship and the limitations of U.S.–Vietnam security cooperation. In conclusion, the authors argue that the years from 2011 to 2017 witnessed new and positive moves in the U.S.–Vietnam security relationship. This is a highly significant development for Vietnam and the United States and an illustration of the fast geostrategic change underway in the Asia–Pacific region in the post–Cold War. Full text available here.
Golobokov, Andrei S
Abstract: The paper evaluates Russia’s increased naval presence in the Asian–Pacific region,
considering the naval interactions with China, India, Vietnam, the Philippines
etc., an important component of Russia’s national strategy and maritime policy
in the region. By strengthening cooperation with the navies of these countries in
different parts of the world, Moscow demonstrates its political preferences and
military capabilities by checking the combat readiness of its own Navy, as well as
modernizing its strategy and tactics, taking into account the modern experience of
combat operations among the other fleets. It then presents a valuable opportunity for
Russia to defend its national interests while remaining a non-aligned and predictable
actor. By analyzing the dynamics, metrics and substance of Russia’s naval activities,
the author tries to clarify the strategic goals of the Russian and other countries’
navies, and also to define some qualitative characteristics, such as the level of
interaction between the Russian Navy and each of its partners, operational tasks of
the exercises, etc. In addition, Russia’s joint maneuvers not only maintain its status
as a great maritime power and raises its international authority but also may serve as
a balancing factor for the U.S. and Chinese navies to improve the security situation
in the Asia–Pacific. Full text available here.
Huang, Mike Chia-Yu
Abstract: In June 2018, the Chinese government initiated a new round of reforms to reshuffle
the leadership of the China Coast Guard (CCG) so as to better administer the
country’s blue territory. In contrast to the 2013 structural reform of the Chinese
government which created the CCG and made it part of the State Oceanic
Administration, a sub-ministerial organ of the Chinese State Council, the 2018
reform placed the agency under direct command of the Communist Party’s Central
Military Commission. This paper argues that the CCG today has been a formidable
maritime giant and acquired a fair ability to coordinate its patrol operations with
other agencies in recent years. In particular, the maritime law enforcement force
has been made more militarized given its close association with the Chinese
Navy. Nonetheless, despite the notable performance the CCG has made, it still
faces problems of unclear legal status and weak airborne surveillance capabilities,
keeping its institutional reform far from full completion. Moreover, a more
powerful coast guard force can on the one hand facilitate Beijing’s aim to become
a great maritime power but on the other hand lead to more security challenges as a
harsher maritime contest between China and its strategic competitors is likely to be
witnessed in the near future. Full text available here.
Ye, Quan
Abstract: As an extremely delicate and sensitive matter, it is unrealistic to expect the eventual resolution of maritime delimitation disputes in the South China Sea (SCS) in the immediate future. To manage the disputes and utilize the disputed maritime area, the claimants in this region have made continued efforts to conclude provisional arrangements. Due to the lack of consensus on the precise disputed zones and the low political will to make concessions, the existing arrangements have several drawbacks. To break the stalemate, a set of approaches are indispensable. A reasonable first step might be to develop provisional arrangements in less disputed maritime areas, especially those areas involving only two states. For areas with multiple claims or where the claimants have low political will to cooperate, it is advisable to start with developing arrangements on issues with common interests and easy to implement. For higher sensitive issues, track two connections might be employed at first, so as to pave the way for future official cooperation. Full text available here.
Lee, Chang-Wee
Abstract: China has a long coastline of approximately 18,000 kilometers and hence an extensive continental shelf as well as an EEZ. Its coastline is said to be the tenth longest coastline in the world. The total sea area in the China Seas is about 4.7 million square kilometers. Despite these advantageous circumstances in geography, China failed to become a maritime power like Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands and the UK. So it remained a land power for a long time except when Zheng He, the great seafarer in Chinese history, led the greatest ocean-going fleets of the world of that time, sailing to the Pacific and Indian Oceans during the years of 1405–1433. As a result, China suffered foreign invasions several times from the sea, being defeated in the Opium War as well as at the Sino–Japanese War in the nineteenth century.
It is only natural that China has opposed the traditional freedom of the seas claimed by the maritime powers since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. When China took part in all the third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) sessions, its policy and position on the major issues were almost identical with those of the developing countries: creeping jurisdiction policy. With regard to the breadth of the territorial sea, China supported and complied with the 12 nautical mile territorial sea. It has established straight baselines since it proclaimed territorial sea in 1958. Also it argued that several disputed islands were its territories by the 1958 declaration as well as by the 1992 law on the territorial sea. China’s policy on the law of the sea, however, might change dramatically in accordance with the general trends of the law of the sea. China ratified the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOSC) in 1996, 14 years after signing it. Thus China has committed itself to developing its domestic laws and regulations on maritime affairs in accordance with the 1982 LOSC and to meet the demands and changed circumstances in the use of oceans. Given the foregoing, this paper attempts to provide China’s policy on the territorial sea in the context of its change in the law of the sea. To be more specific, it examines relevant issues on the breadth of the territorial sea, baselines as well as innocent passage of warships in terms of U.S.–China relations, with special emphasis on the comparison with Korea’s relevant policy on the law of the sea.
Stach, Lukasz
Abstract: The situation in Southeast Asia brings attention not only to the regional countries, but also to the great powers. The growing People’s Republic of China’s economy and military especially causes concern regarding the stability of the whole Southeast Asia region. Smaller Southeast Asian countries may be overwhelmed by China. Amongst these countries is Malaysia, which tries to secure its national interest in the region, especially in the South China Sea. Malaysia faces some maritime security threats caused by its stakes in the Spratly Islands dispute. The article attempts to elucidate the contemporary condition of the Royal Malaysian Navy (RMN), especially in the field of warships. Moreover, the study tries to answer the question of why the RMN is an important branch of the Malaysian Armed Forces and plays a vital role in securing Malaysian safety. The article is divided into two parts. The first describes the problems which Malaysia faces in the field of maritime security. The second elaborates the assets of the RMN, mostly in major combatant ships. This paper concludes with a summary of the RMN’s major vessels that have been and will be developed from 1990 to 2025. Full text available here.
Haong, Hai Ha
Abstract: The paper explores the development of Vietnam’s bilateral defense diplomacy with world and regional powers including the United States, India, and Japan, with a particular focus on the period from 2009 to 2018. The paper finds that Vietnam’s multidirectional defense diplomacy is fundamentally shaped by its historical experience, the contemporary shift in the balance of power and the strategic challenges caused by China’s emerging power. By pursuing a multi–polar balance among major partners, Vietnam avoids being pulled into their rivalry, and keeps its non-alignment as well as strategic autonomy. The international defense cooperation has become further deepened and more substantive to satisfy Vietnam’s strategic interests including national security, territorial integrity, economic development and regime legitimacy. However, domestic and geo–strategic constraints, and asymmetrical economic interdependence with China lead this paper to suppose further challenges in the future of Vietnam’s defense diplomacy. Full text available here.
Shoji, Tomotaka
Abstract: This paper discusses Vietnam’s security cooperation with the United States in three phases. Following the end of the Vietnam War in the 1970s, Vietnam and the United States normalized their diplomatic relations in 1995 and took their first step towards security cooperation. Initially, the cooperation was implemented highly incrementally due to deep-rooted mutual distrust. Vietnam’s security cooperation with the United States made significant strides with the reemergence of the South China Sea issue. The U.S.-Vietnam security cooperation advanced rapidly, fueled by the convergence of the two countries’ strategic interests in the South China Sea. The 2014 oil rig incident triggered Vietnam to promote further convergence with the United States. The first visit to the United States by the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam was materialized in July 2015. In May 2016, the United States declared the complete lifting of the arms embargo on Vietnam. Such developments created the impression of convergence between the United States and Vietnam. While Vietnam has steadily fostered security cooperation with the United States following the inauguration of the Trump administration, it will likely continue to pursue omnidirectional external relations and give further considerations to achieving a balance in external relations, especially between the Vietnam-U.S. and Vietnam-China relationships. Full text available here.
Cottey, Andrew
Abstract: China’s disputes with its South East Asian neighbours and Japan in the South and East China Seas have emerged as important tests of the implications of China’s rise, posing dilemmas not just for regional states but also for other global actors, including European states and the European Union (EU). European responses to these disputes have pulled in three directions: a normative approach emphasising the resolution of disputes within the framework of international law; a power balancing approach, led by France and the United Kingdom, involving support for freedom of navigation operations and strengthened bilateral and EU ties with other Asian states; and de facto acquiescence to Chinese advances in the region. In terms of understanding EU foreign policy, this case suggests a sequence: a normative approach as the initial default EU policy; a turn to power balancing when the effectiveness of that policy is called into question, but also the possibility of acquiescence and consequent divisions amongst EU member states. Europe faces dilemmas in balancing support for the United States, Japan and the South-East Asian states with its strategic partnership with China, but in practice European policy is much closer to that of the former group than that of Beijing. Full text available here.
Zhang, Guoxi, and Xie Tao
Abstract: The year 2017 marked not only the 45th anniversary of the establishment of China-Australia diplomatic relations, but also significant turbulence in the relationship. While bilateral economic and trade relations, as well as people-to-people communication and cooperation continue to grow, a series of dramatic and negative events unfolded in Australia, advocating the so-called “China threat”, and instigated by anti-China sentiments. The recent anti-China backlash in Australia was caused by a combination of deep structural change in the current international system, and instability in Australia’s domestic politics. It is also the outcome of Australia’s dependence on the US-Australia alliance, while balancing between its own economic and security interests. It is worth noting that in comparison to the past, the current anti-China movement in Australia has been more profound and more focused, demonstrating new characteristics. This includes Australia collaborating with certain Western nations against China’s influence, as well as strategic warnings with more political and policy implications. Although Australia’s anti-China backlash will not have a fundamental impact on China-Australia relations, Australia’s anti-China stance and behavior is characteristic of an increasingly prevalent trend among the Western nations of concern about China’s rising influence, and new defense strategies against this. China must proceed with caution when dealing with the negative repercussions of this. Full text available here.
